Yesterday the Tory Government pledged a generous £320m for the building of 110 new Free Schools including the expansion of selective schools. The Tories claim that building more selective schools will ensure an educational system 'which
works for everyone'. Not only is this absolute bollocks but comes at a time when schools are facing
unprecedented budget cuts which are likely to have a devastating impact
on children's learning; especially those from disadvantaged
backgrounds (NUT and ATL, 2016). One of the biggest concerns is that this policy is largely based on selective evidence from crudely selective anecdotal memories. This post will give a brief overview of the
history of selective education and consider evidence as to why
expanding academic selection will not improve social mobility but is likely further increase
and entrench segregation for many years to come.
The History
In 1944 the Education Act was passed giving access to free secondary education for all children for the first time in the country's history. The vision was built upon the idea that 'at the age of 11, secondary education of
diversified types but on equal standing, will be provided for all
children' (McCulloch, 1998). The relativity simplistic (and misguided) idea was to create a system that would
break down social barriers and allow more able children from disadvantaged
backgrounds to receive an academic education
and help them to climb the social ladder. Consequently, the act created
a tripartite system based on a (now disproved) theory that children were born with innate intelligence and ability and as such should receive a specific type of education...
Grammar schools to focus on
academic studies.
Secondary modern schools to prepare
children for trades.
Technical schools to teach mechanical,
scientific and engineering skills.
Entrance to the grammars was
dependent upon children passing an 11-plus selective examination. Effectively, an IQ test. This would then allow the
top 25% of pupils to attend the grammar schools while the rest were left
to attend the Secondary Moderns and Technical. However, as few of the latter were built it ultimately created a bipartite system. The ideological reasoning behind Secondary
Moderns was that they would provide an education for the
less academic pupils who would be able to turn their hands to
a growing labour market. However, as the government ploughed money into the creation of these
grammar schools, many of the Secondary Moderns (serving working
class communities) were allowed to fall into a state
of disrepair 'without proper lighting, with inadequate heating,
with primitive sanitation, with no inside water, with a single washbasin
and a towel with scores of children' McCulloch, 1998, p. 68). Sound
familiar?
Another criticism of
grammar schools was that they often led to cultural assimilation where
'working-class children are turned into middle-class citizens' (Jackson and
Marsden, 1962, p. 15). Indeed, many of these children felt
disconnected from their communities and friends as they were expected to
engage in more middle class arts, sports and culture (Todd, 2014). As a consequence many children were left feeling disconnected from their working class communities and yet unable to infiltrate the middle class cultural circles they had been tossed in to.
Sadly, the idea of social
mobility base on meritocracy was never quite achieved. In her
brilliant book, 'The People; The rise and fall of the working
class', Selina Todd explains how this system of selection
didn't create equality of opportunity but was extremely elitist
and reserved the best places for very few children. Indeed, only 10% of
children from working-class families were awarded places at grammar schools
(Todd, 2014). Furthermore, it created wider divisions as it implied that only
the select few really deserved to get on in life. Grammar schools
grew throughout the 1950s and 60s although they remained resolutely and
predominately middle-class and elitist.
Another
problem with this bipartite system was that it not only created a two-tier
system of education but a two-tier mentality amongst children;
on the one hand their was the elitist 25% and on the other
hand those that were deemed just not-good-enough at a very young age.
In a 2011 documentary Melvin Bragg interviewed a number of people who sat and the 11-plus exam during the 1950s/ 60s. One of the most striking things about the documentary is how much those who didn't pass the exam felt like failures from a young age. For some, a sledgehammer to their self-confidence and a sense of guilt and shame they would carry for the rest of their lives. There were also many who spoke of the pressure they felt in having to pass the exam. To introduce yet another high-stakes exam at a time when we are seeing rising numbers of pupils' with mental ill-health is not only cruel but makes a mockery of the Tory government's claim that they want to address this worrying trend. .
In a 2011 documentary Melvin Bragg interviewed a number of people who sat and the 11-plus exam during the 1950s/ 60s. One of the most striking things about the documentary is how much those who didn't pass the exam felt like failures from a young age. For some, a sledgehammer to their self-confidence and a sense of guilt and shame they would carry for the rest of their lives. There were also many who spoke of the pressure they felt in having to pass the exam. To introduce yet another high-stakes exam at a time when we are seeing rising numbers of pupils' with mental ill-health is not only cruel but makes a mockery of the Tory government's claim that they want to address this worrying trend. .
During the late 1960s/ early
1970s grammar schools started to decline and by the latter part of
of the decade many Local Authorities had abandoned the
11-Plus and moved to a comprehensive system of education. Throughout
this period many grammar schools and secondary moderns were amalgamated to
create large comprehensive schools. By the 1980s only 5% of schools in England
were grammars and in 1998 the opening of new grammar schools was completely prohibited. Fast-forward twenty years...
Schools that work
for everyone
In September 2016
the Conservative government launched their consultation paper 'schools that work for
everyone' in an attempt to obtain views on 'proposals to create more schools
places' (DfE, 2016). The government responded to the consultation by proposing that both grammar and selective schools should be allowed to
expand. The following evidence was used to support this commitment:
1. Existing wholly-selective
schools produce good exam results for pupils.
2. Selective schools can be
particularly beneficial for pupils on lower incomes.
3. Pupils in non-selective schools
in selective areas perform worse.
All of this selective evidence was based on
three pieces of research conducted by or on behalf of the Sutton Trust. However, two studies are
from 2008 and one is from 2004 which hardly makes it the cutting-edge of educational research. Based on this very selective and limited
evidence the government have proposed that:
a) Existing grammar schools should
be able to expand.
b) The opening of new selective
schools should be permitted.
c) Non-selective schools permitted
to become selective.
There are, of course, some people who think that this is not an attempt to increase social mobility but rather a crude vote-winning vanity project...
There are, of course, some people who think that this is not an attempt to increase social mobility but rather a crude vote-winning vanity project...
Evidence against grammar schools
A report from the Euducation Policy Institute
(2016) on grammar schools and social mobility highlighted that:
1. No overall
attainment impact of grammar schools, either positive or negative.
2. Disadvantaged
children are underrepresented in grammar schools. Just 2.5%
are eligible for Free School Meals compared to the national average
which is 15.1% (DfE, 2015).
3. No Significant
impact on social mobility.
4. Expansion of
grammar schools could lead to greater loses for poorer children.
5. High achieving
pupils achieve just as well in high-quality non-selective schools.
6. The academies
programme has had a more positive impact on the attainment of disadvantaged
pupils compared with the present grammar school system.
Then there was this
report from the House of Commons Education Committee (2016) which
was quite scathing of the government's plans for increased selection
and were left unconvinced that the government had produced enough evidence to
make a convincing argument for the expansion of selective schools
in England. This can be summed up by this exchange between Nick Gibb
and Neil Carmichael during the committee's review of the evidence:
Throughout the 1950s some social
researchers were arguing that selection was being used as an 'insidious means
of keeping most children at the bottom of the pile' (Todd, 2014). The introduction of grammar schools was intended to
improve social mobility and provide equality of opportunity,
however, in reality it led to greater social segregation and inequality. Let's
not make the same mistake again...
References
Department for
Education (2016), Schools that work for everyone.
Department for Education (2015), Schools,
pupils and their characteristics.
Education Policy Institute (2016), Grammar
Schools and Social Mobility.
House of Commons Education
Committee (2016), Evidence Check: Grammar Schools.
Jackson, B. and
Marsden, D. (1962), Education and the Working Class. Middlesex:
Penguin Books Ltd.
McCulloch, G. (1998), Failing
the Ordinary Child? The theory and practice of
working-class secondary education. Buckingham: Open
University Press.
NUT and ATL (2016), 'Invest, Don't Cut; The predicted impact of government
policy on funding for schools and academies by 2020'
Sutton Trust (2008), Evidence
on the effects of selective educational systems.
Todd, S. (2014),
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